A New Level of Disarray in Afghanistan

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Your View e-polls e-paper Subscription Weather RSS Feeds e-poll document.write(''); content = document.getElementById("pollcontainer").innerHTML; myReg=/Sorry/; myAr=myReg.exec(content); if (myAr == "Sorry") { // document.getElementById("pollcontainer").style.height="0"; document.getElementById("pollcontainer").style.display="none"; } document.write(''); Afghan efforts reach a new level of disarray

Last Updated: June 12. 2010 6:40PM UAE / June 12. 2010 2:40PM GMT

During his presidential campaign, Barack Obama continually referred to Afghanistan as the “good war”. The intended message to the electorate was that in contrast to the “bad war” in Iraq, the stakes in Afghanistan were compelling: the cause had moral appeal, the strategic rationale was unquestionable, and one could easily distinguish between friend and foe. Two years later, this well-meaning fiction seems to have collapsed. The US strategy in Afghanistan is hobbled and the Afghan government is increasingly seen as an untrustworthy ally in the fight against the Taliban.

To be sure, the American strategy is not blameless. By setting July 2011 as the date for the withdrawal of combat troops, Mr Obama signalled to the Afghan people that he had no plans for a long-term presence there. Mr Obama also contributed to the Afghan president Hamid Karzai's problems in doing so. Mr Karzai now believes that America will not guarantee his survival and that one year will not be enough to reverse the tide against the Taliban.

This is probably why the Afghan president is hedging his bets and doing so more openly. Accused of nepotism and inefficiency, and lacking in legitimacy since his controversial re-election last year, he is uncharitably blaming his western allies for many of his country's ills while pursuing an erratic policy of rapprochement with the Taliban. When faced with evidence that the Taliban had mounted a deeply embarrassing attack on the site where he was meeting with 1,600 tribal elders two weeks ago, Mr Karzai dismissed news of the event as a fabrication and clashed with his interior minister and the intelligence chief. These two men were seen as reliable and effective, a rarity among the many unsavoury characters in Mr Karzai's cabinet. They quickly resigned, citing irreconcilable differences with the president. Their departures have left a gaping hole in the country's security structure.

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The insecurity caused by these recent events has been compounded by an Afghan police force and military that is perceived as incapable and corrupt. A recent report by the US defence department questioned the generous assessments of the effort to train and deploy the Afghan security forces. The gradual withdrawal of Nato forces rests, in theory, on the Afghan military's operational readiness, which is proving as elusive as Mr Karzai's statesmanship.

The US-led campaign in Kandahar, once heralded as a key element of the ambitious counter-insurgency push, has been delayed. There, the Taliban are proving more resilient than expected and the Afghan government itself has failed to keep its side of the bargain. When the US commander in Afghanistan Gen Stanley McChrystal unveiled his counter-insurgency strategy, he spoke of a government-in-a-box waiting to be deployed to provide services quickly to the population and win their allegiance. But in Kandahar and in Helmand province there is still little governance to speak of. The three legs of US policy – counter-insurgency, the propping-up of allies and the building up of security institutions – appear to be in disarray. And the summer has just begun.

Afghan efforts reach a new level of disarray

Last Updated: June 12. 2010 6:40PM UAE / June 12. 2010 2:40PM GMT

During his presidential campaign, Barack Obama continually referred to Afghanistan as the “good war”. The intended message to the electorate was that in contrast to the “bad war” in Iraq, the stakes in Afghanistan were compelling: the cause had moral appeal, the strategic rationale was unquestionable, and one could easily distinguish between friend and foe. Two years later, this well-meaning fiction seems to have collapsed. The US strategy in Afghanistan is hobbled and the Afghan government is increasingly seen as an untrustworthy ally in the fight against the Taliban.

To be sure, the American strategy is not blameless. By setting July 2011 as the date for the withdrawal of combat troops, Mr Obama signalled to the Afghan people that he had no plans for a long-term presence there. Mr Obama also contributed to the Afghan president Hamid Karzai's problems in doing so. Mr Karzai now believes that America will not guarantee his survival and that one year will not be enough to reverse the tide against the Taliban.

This is probably why the Afghan president is hedging his bets and doing so more openly. Accused of nepotism and inefficiency, and lacking in legitimacy since his controversial re-election last year, he is uncharitably blaming his western allies for many of his country's ills while pursuing an erratic policy of rapprochement with the Taliban. When faced with evidence that the Taliban had mounted a deeply embarrassing attack on the site where he was meeting with 1,600 tribal elders two weeks ago, Mr Karzai dismissed news of the event as a fabrication and clashed with his interior minister and the intelligence chief. These two men were seen as reliable and effective, a rarity among the many unsavoury characters in Mr Karzai's cabinet. They quickly resigned, citing irreconcilable differences with the president. Their departures have left a gaping hole in the country's security structure.

document.write('');

The insecurity caused by these recent events has been compounded by an Afghan police force and military that is perceived as incapable and corrupt. A recent report by the US defence department questioned the generous assessments of the effort to train and deploy the Afghan security forces. The gradual withdrawal of Nato forces rests, in theory, on the Afghan military's operational readiness, which is proving as elusive as Mr Karzai's statesmanship.

The US-led campaign in Kandahar, once heralded as a key element of the ambitious counter-insurgency push, has been delayed. There, the Taliban are proving more resilient than expected and the Afghan government itself has failed to keep its side of the bargain. When the US commander in Afghanistan Gen Stanley McChrystal unveiled his counter-insurgency strategy, he spoke of a government-in-a-box waiting to be deployed to provide services quickly to the population and win their allegiance. But in Kandahar and in Helmand province there is still little governance to speak of. The three legs of US policy – counter-insurgency, the propping-up of allies and the building up of security institutions – appear to be in disarray. And the summer has just begun.

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