
It was something of a shock to see that some of the protesters in last week’s big demonstration in Hong Kong were carrying the old British colonial flag with the Union Jack in the corner. What was running through the minds of the bearers? Nostalgia for the former colonial masters?
That seemed unlikely. More likely it was a gesture of contempt. After all, what better way to take a poke at Beijing than to display the banner of the former colonialists. China officially views Britain’s 140-year rule as a period of unremitting misery and oppression.
It is supremely ironic that July 1, the date in 1997 when Hong Kong reverted to Chinese sovereignty, a date that is supposed to be a time of joyful celebration of reunion with the motherland, has become a traditional time for rallying protests against the government and Beijing. The fact that it is a holiday only enhances the turnout.
Hong Kong is in a bad mood. This year’s demonstration was the largest since the epic turnout in 2003 to protest implementation of new laws against sedition that the majority thought would erode Hong Kong’s promised post-1997 liberties under the “one-country, two systems” formula in which Hong Kong reverted to Chinese sovereignty.
It came on the heels of a sizeable turnout one year ago, which was aimed specifically at the widening income gap in the territory, which has become the widest in Asia. Participation in the annual June 4 commemoration of the Tiananmen crackdown is also said to be increasing the number of participants after languishing on the years immediately after the handover.
Demonstrations, like the one this month, along with public opinion polls take on out-sized importance in Hong Kong since there are few other practical ways to make their voices heard. Beijing can’t like the message: Aside from the massive demonstration, recent polls show that two-thirds of the people think Hong Kong is worse off now than it was 15 years ago.
The political system is still frozen in time. Half of the 60-member legislature is chosen by small special interest groups, such as lawyers or accountants. The Chief Executive is selected by a 1,200-member election committee made up mainly of business leaders and others considered safely in Beijing’s corner. Direct election of the chief by 2017 is only a vague promise.
It is difficult to point to any specific area where Beijing has reneged on its promises made to respect Hong Kong’s autonomy and liberties 15 years after the handover. The demonstration itself was a kind of proof, as it included elements, such as the Falun Gong, that are banned outright in China but tolerated in Hong Kong.
Nor was the demonstration really targeted at any specific Chinese leader, despite headlines saying that they were directed at the brief appearance in Hong Kong of China’s president Hu Jintao to swear in the new Chief Executive, Leung Chun-ying. Hu left before the rally took place, and it seems doubtful that the tens of thousands took to the streets out of any personal animosity.
