Alexander Rahr, an independent Russia analyst, says the various actions reflect a society being "torn apart" between liberal-minded Russians who ascribe little importance to religion and conservatives who believe Orthodox Christianity forms a cornerstone of Russian identity.
Pitting various segments of the population against each other is no Russian invention, however. Prime among other examples, the American political landscape has also become highly polarized in recent years.
The Republican Party recently drafted its most conservative platform in memory ahead of November's presidential election to appeal to voters over such social issues as abortion and gay marriage, something critics say helps define battle lines that mobilize the party's base by portraying liberals as seeking to destabilize the American order.
However, there are important differences with Russia. "In the American political system, it's about ‘blue' and ‘red,' which are rough counterweights to each other," says Matthew Rojansky of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in Washington. "They're both mainstream, that's the key."
In Russia, he adds, the main division is between "the power and the fringe."
Even if motives for politicians in both countries may be similar, he concluded, the stakes in the culture war being waged in Russia are far higher. "The way people are being impacted by this, qualitatively, is very different."
Not only are opposition leaders harassed and arrested, the choice between opposing visions for the country raises the stakes for Russians far higher: a choice between authoritarian rule and democratization.
Observers believe Putin has been expert in employing similar tactics inside the corridors of power to establish he's still very much in charge. A recent report by an influential group of Russian analysts characterized his administration as a Soviet-style system in which various political groups vie for his influence.
Titled Politburo 2.0, the report by the Minchenko Consulting Group describes the Kremlin hierarchy as a collection of clans from the business, security and energy sectors that all look to Putin to settle their scores. The competition among them, the analysts say, keeps Putin at the top of the heap.
Although such tactics enabled Putin to amass great power, some question how long they will remain effective, both among the elite and the population at large, as society evolves.
General discontent with the ruling regime, regardless of social or ideological divisions, is growing. A recent poll by the independent Levada Center polling agency found that 51 percent of Russians blame Putin for the country's problems, up from 29 percent last year and 31 percent in 2010.
That figure may be particularly worrying for a leader who has cast himself as a consummate problem-solver who remains above elite politics.
Even members of Putin's United Russia Party have expressed doubts about his course of action. A member from St. Petersburg who called for Pussy Riot's release and a major overhaul of the ruling bureaucracy in a rare public dissent faces expulsion.
Petrov of the Carnegie Moscow Center believes Putin faces one of two crucial battles: either to secure the elite's loyalty or to appease the growing public discontent.
As the increasingly radicalized social camps threaten to escape his control, Petrov says the president's "motionlessness" is costing him dearly.
"He could easily fix either of those two big problems, but not both at the same time."
