ASB's main concern is instituting Islamic law based on their narrow interpretation. According to recent reports, ASB, ASD, or other smaller katibas have been provoking the recent destruction of Sufi mosques and graves. Although ASB has not claimed responsibility for the incidents, it has applauded the perpetrators.
Another new actor is the shadowy "Imprisoned Sheikh Omar Abdul Rahman Brigades," named after the spiritual leader of the Egyptian al-Gamaa al-Islamiyah who is currently serving a life sentence in the United States for involvement in the 1993 World Trade Center attack, among other plots. Not much is known about the group's leadership or size, but it was responsible for a series of attacks in Benghazi this May and June: two attacks against the International Committee of the Red Cross, a bomb attack against the U.S. consulate, and a strike on the British ambassador's convoy.
Currently, there are no known operational links between these Libyan groups and al-Qaeda or its affiliates. Earlier this year, CNN quoted unidentified intelligence reports indicating that al-Qaeda had sent operatives from Pakistan to set up cells in Libya, but no corroborating evidence has yet been offered. Al-Qaeda did attempt to exploit last year's uprising, especially since two of its senior leaders (Abu Yahya al-Libi and Atiyyatullah Abu Abd al-Rahman) were of Libyan origin. But both men have since been killed by U.S. drone strikes, which may be why the organization has not focused on Libya in 2012.
The North Mali Jihad
One of the unintended consequences of Libya's uprising was how it affected Mali. The war opened a flow of weapons into northern Mali, which helped revive an ethno-tribal conflict that had been brewing on and off since the 1960s. This was not a jihadist conflict, but the gradual implantation over the previous decade of jihadist groups in the Sahel made them well placed to exploit the Malian government's loss of control in the north. While al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) has been hovering in the background so as not to attract too much attention to itself, its allies Ansar al-Din and Jamaat al-Tawhid wal-Jihad have taken control of day-to-day governance in the northern Mali towns of Gao, Kidal, and Timbuktu.
Syrian Training Camps
Some veterans of the Libyan uprising have also become involved in the Syrian civil war -- an entirely different phenomenon that should not be confused with the growth of Libyan jihadism or the developments in Mali. Credible reports indicate that dozens of Libyans, if not more, have joined Liwaa al-Umma, an armed opposition group in Syria led by Mahdi al-Harati, an Irish-Libyan dual national who was previously a commander in the Tripoli Brigade. Four confirmed cases of Libyans dying on the Syrian battlefield have also been reported.
In addition, Libya has become a transfer point for fighters from Western Europe and the Maghreb headed to Syria. News reports and jihadist sources suggest that some of these individuals have attended training camps in Misratah, Benghazi, the desert area near Hon, and Green Mountain in the east, though the accuracy of these reports is unknown.
These fighters are not necessarily global jihadists or al-Qaeda sympathizers; many appear to subscribe to a more orthodox understanding of Islam. That said, foreign Islamist fighters who participated in a number of recent conflicts abroad have become agents of instability when they returned to their home countries -- for this reason alone, the Libyans in Syria merit close watching.
Conclusion
Libyan radicals had every reason to be encouraged by the government's inaction against those responsible for the recent destruction of Sufi mosques and graves. If yesterday's attack on the U.S. consulate prompts little official response, vigilantism will grow and perhaps lead to antigovernment violence. Going forward, Washington and Tripoli should share whatever intelligence they have on the jihadists so that they can work together to counter the problem.
Moreover, it is vital for Washington to understand that the jihadist trend in Libya has little popular support -- militias and tribes continue to hold far greater public sway. Most Libyans are hostile toward Islamist extremism, as seen in the lackluster performance of LIFG remnants and the Libyan Muslim Brotherhood in the recent elections. Nevertheless, the United States should pressure Tripoli for a substantive and serious investigation of the death of Ambassador Stevens and other personnel.
