It's a testing moment for the international order.
How will we respond to Russian actions that Prime Minister Harper describes as "aggressive, militaristic and imperialistic"? Is the NATO Alliance prepared to draw red lines? Will we defend the system that President Obama said we have worked "for generations to build"?
Collective diplomacy gets its shot at the Ukrainian crisis when ministers from the Ukraine, Russia, USA, and European Union meet this week in Geneva.
Success will depend on whether Russia commits to troop pull-back, removal of agitators, non-interference in the May 26 Ukrainian elections and then recognition of its new government. Ukrainian authorities must guarantee the rights of its Russian-speaking minority.
The USA and EU must define, clearly articulate and then act on a calibrated set of sanctions. Demonstrating military muscle is essential. NATO exercises on land, air and sea is ‘language' that Mr. Putin will understand.
That there is public fatigue with what many see as unsatisfactory foreign adventures is understandable. Iraq was an unnecessary war and the long campaign in Afghanistan has not had a satisfactory conclusion.
The recession and continuing joblessness obliged governments to concentrate on domestic recovery and now restraint in operations.
Defence budgets have suffered. Less than a handful of the 28 NATO members meet their commitment to spend 2 percent of GDP on defence.
Has the tilt to domestic preoccupations and defence cuts inadvertently encouraged the rogues and those who don't like the western international order?
Strong actions will reconfirm the West's commitment to international order. Alliance strength and solidarity will also send a message to others - Iran, North Korea and China - who are testing the limits.
The Ukrainian crisis reminds us that collective security, the purpose of NATO, is an enduring priority that requires real commitment. Words alone don't defend principles or deter aggression.
For Canada this means a recommitment to our own defence establishment. We currently spend 1.5 percent of GDP on defence.
We point, with justice, to our contributions in Afghanistan and Libya. We argue, with reason, that results and output are more important than numbers,
But we can do more. Our promised procurement of ships, planes and land vehicles is behind schedule and already Inflation is eating away at the new kit.
Our defence policy puts ‘Canada First'.
A clever piece of political phraseology, our investment is as much in collective security through NATO and NORAD. These alliances have insured the long peace on which depends our prosperity.
