The contribution of the Arab-Islamic world to the rise of the West also extends to material and institutional elements. Commercial and industrial activities in the Near East and India did much to propel the industrial revolution and the rise of capitalism in Europe. This, in turn, calls into question the widely held belief that capitalism emerged in Europe due to specific values and ethics connected to Protestantism and rationalism. Even rationalism, which underpinned the emergence of a rule of law in Europe, may have some origins in Islamic legal institutions, with transmission as the 12th century. This implies that the emergence of a rational, impersonal state may not have its origins entirely in Europe as is commonly thought.
The rise of Europe should be seen as part of a global history. Instead of thinking in terms of separate civilizations, it is more fruitful to think about one human civilization to which different geo-cultural domains contribute, much like an ocean into which many rivers flow. Conceiving of civilization in these terms renders the contributions of others visible. It also encourages recognition of the debts that we all owe to others and reduce cultural arrogance.
Unearthing the many positive exchanges that occurred between Europe and the Arab-Islamic world has immediate implications for contemporary transcultural relations. Once this stark opposition is broken down, it becomes more difficult to categorize the East in general and the Arab-Islamic world in particular as peripheral and subordinate. The East no longer seems so reassuringly inferior, antagonistic or alien to the West. This forces us to revisit the notion of the "Arab predicament" that has generated so much fatalistic thinking.
A more holistic look at history is instructive in other respects. Identifying our commonalities, which in part involves tracing our past encounters and exchanges, is critical to promoting modern transcultural security. Awareness of this enriching process of cross-cultural fertilization needs to be promoted among the general public and not simply in restricted academic circles. Here, education is key. Promoting this awareness would help build a collective memory in Europe that Arabs and Muslims are present, not only in relation to confrontation but also in connection to high points in Europe's history.
The United States has been more successful in assimilating people from different cultures than Europe. This is because America did not ask immigrants to choose between their ethnic/cultural/religious frameworks and their "American-ness." Host countries have the right to demand loyalty to the security of the state and the rule of law from their new immigrants, but they must allow them to assimilate at their own pace aided by opportunity, inclusion, trust and respect. Pushing immigrant communities to shed cultural frameworks only encourages these communities towards counterproductive defensive postures. America assimilated immigrant communities successfully because it gave them the necessary time to do so, and Europe needs to do the same.
In conclusion, increased awareness of our connections and reciprocal debts is not enough to ensure transcultural security. This will also depend on enabling the emergence of endogenous good governance paradigms outside the West. While people around the world do seem to embrace democratic ideals, the desired end point of such struggles does not or may not have to be an exact replica of Western liberal democracy. Imposition of governance models and interference from outside will be unsustainable over the long run and will only undermine trust and transcultural security. We, therefore, not only need to revisit history, but also look at the course of history with new lenses in order to ensure peaceful and mutually respectful relations between the West and the Arab-Islamic world.
