SEOUL, South Korea — As South Koreans laid white chrysanthemums at makeshift memorials for their former president, Roh Moo-hyun, many said Sunday that the once-popular champion of clean government had been driven to suicide by more than humiliating bribery allegations.
A South Korean woman touches a portrait of former President Roh Moo-hyun at Jogye temple in Seoul, South Korea, on Sunday.
They directed much of their ire at the prosecutors and conservative media who relentlessly pursued the accusations of corruption against Mr. Roh and his family. Many accused the current president, Lee Myung-bak, of orchestrating the investigation, a move that could become a political liability for him.
Others expressed deeper misgivings that Mr. Roh was a victim of the legacies of South Korea’s authoritarian past — most notably the near ritual of incumbent presidents presiding over investigations of their predecessors.
“It has become a bad political habit for presidents in South Korea to try to gain support by punishing the former president,” said Kang Won-taek, a politics professor at Seoul’s Soongsil University. “What happened to Roh Moo-hyun shows that it is time to break this habit.”
The tendency to define a presidency by the failings of the one that came before took root as the country struggled to redefine itself in the early 1990s as a young democracy after years of dictatorships. Many Koreans were exhilarated as the first democratically elected governments punished the men who had resisted democracy for so long.
The sight of former President Chun Doo-hwan — a military ruler blamed for a crackdown of pre-democracy protesters that ended in 200 deaths — being paraded in a prison jumpsuit proved cathartic for the nation.
But political experts, and even many average Koreans, say that their nation’s struggle to shed its authoritarian past was never finished, and that investigation of Mr. Roh highlighted at least two other legacies: a powerful presidency and a justice system with few checks and balances, especially on its prosecutors.
At least so far, the subject of Mr. Roh’s culpability has been put aside, overwhelmed by the shock and sadness over his dramatic death on Saturday, when he threw himself off a cliff. In the weeks before that, he acknowledged that a businessman who supported him had given more than $6 million to his wife and son and his brother’s son-in-law while he was in office, but he denied that they were bribes. He said he did not know about the transactions until he left office.
The money for his wife had been used to pay for his son’s tuition at Stanford University, among other things, according to a top aide. In a country where education is key to social status, Mr. Roh, a self-educated lawyer, never won full respect from many people, despite having become a lawyer and the leader of a powerful economy.
Much of the outpouring of public anger since Mr. Roh’s death has focused on the murky ties between the Blue House, as the president’s office is called, and the Supreme Prosecutors’ Office, which led the investigation into Mr. Roh and other former presidents. These suspicions are also a hangover from the pre-democracy days, when prosecutors were seen as military henchmen, using the legal system to attack their political opponents.
“The prosecutors have become the most omnipotent force in Korean society today,” said Moon Chung-in, a political scientist at Yonsei University in Seoul and former adviser to Mr. Roh. “Their strength is a legacy of dictatorship that still affects us.”
Mr. Moon said that Mr. Roh actually ended up strengthening the power of prosecutors by weakening one check on their power: the National Intelligence Service, the South Korean spy service used by military rulers against South Korea’s citizens. Mr. Roh appointed a former human rights lawyer as its director and curtailed many of its internal surveillance activities.
Mr. Roh also tried to rein in the prosecutors, but with less success. Though he weakened links between prosecutors and the Blue House, he failed to pass some of their powers to the police or create grand juries to oversee investigations.
In 2003, his first year in office, Mr. Roh also held a widely watched public debate with 10 prosecutors in which he called the prosecutors office a “powerful organization” that the Justice Ministry had “failed to rein in.”
Mr. Roh also came to office with promises to break the cycle of corruption that has plagued South Korean presidents, and made them vulnerable to investigation. He also vowed to curtail the powers of South Korea’s presidency and sever its links with the country’s “chaebol,” or big-business conglomerates.
Click here to enjoy the convenience of home delivery of The Times for less than $1 a day. Past CoverageSouth Korean Ex-President Kills Himself (May 23, 2009)Former S. Korean President Apologizes for Scandal (April 30, 2009)South Korean Inquiry Moves Closer to Former President (April 8, 2009)NEWS ANALYSIS; An Anger In Korea Over More Than Beef (June 12, 2008) Related Searches Roh Moo Hyun Get E-Mail Alerts South Korea Get E-Mail Alerts Suicides and Suicide Attempts Get E-Mail Alerts Monuments and Memorials Get E-Mail Alerts Next Article in World (3 of 23) » Advertise on NYTimes.com MOST POPULAR E-Mailed Blogged Searched The Case for Working With Your Hands Amid Housing Bust, Phoenix Begins a New Frenzy Brain Power: At the Bridge Table, Clues to a Lucid Old Age Many Summer Internships Are Going Organic Frank Rich: La Cage aux Democrats The Coming Superbrain For This Guru, No Question Is Too Big Death in Birth: Where Life’s Start Is a Deadly Risk Op-Ed Contributor: Growing Old With Autism A Prom Divided Go to Complete List » U.S. Relies More on Aid of Allies in Terror Cases Some Obama Enemies Are Made Totally of Straw La Cage aux Democrats In Phoenix, the Housing Bust Helps Feed a Low-End Boom Guantnamo Closing Hands Republicans a Wedge Issue The Writers Make News. Unfortunately. Have We Already Lost Iran? Obama Says Court Choice Is Coming Soon U.S. Diplomats' Same-Sex Partners to Receive Benefits Nuance Is a Fine Word Until It's Pronounced Flip-Flop Go to Complete List » united health care modern love cancer may 4, 2009 korea swine flu china obama maureen dowd india Go to Complete List » new Accordian("mostPopWidget"); The phone at home gets smart
Also in Tech »
Plugging in $40 computers Great videos in any language Advertisements Advertise on NYTimes.com Inside NYTimes.com Fashion & Style » Back by Popular Demand Opinion » Op-Ed: Have We Already Lost Iran? Theater » Motherhood Becomes Her, Quite Often Opinion » Op-Chart: Healthy Credit Travel » Trout at the End of the Earth in Argentina Books » ‘The Undereducation of an Overachiever’ Week in Review » A Scandal in Parliament and Deeper Furies Opinion » Op-Ed: Growing Old With Autism N.Y. / Region » Exploring a Resting Place on Long Island Opinion » Show Me Up, Show You Up
Doug Glanville on the unwritten rules concerning ballplayers' showing one another up during a game.
Music » Get Clean, Come Back: Eminem’s Return Fashion & Style » Weddings and Celebrations Home World U.S. N.Y. / Region Business Technology Science Health Sports Opinion Arts Style Travel Jobs Real Estate Automobiles Back to Top Copyright 2009 The New York Times Company Privacy Policy Search Corrections RSS First Look Help Contact Us Work for Us Site Map Tacoda_AMS_DDC_addPair("t_section","World, Asia") Tacoda_AMS_DDC_addPair("site","nytimes.com") Tacoda_AMS_DDC("http://te.nytimes.com/tte/blank.gif","1.0")
Doug Glanville on the unwritten rules concerning ballplayers' showing one another up during a game.
Read Full Article »
