Mohammad Khatami, the reformist former president of Iran, on Sunday called for a referendum on the legitimacy of the Iranian government in the wake of the disputed June 12 presidential elections. Clearly aligning himself with the opposition movement, Khatami stated that the Iranians have “lost their faith” in the ruling political system following these elections, which the opposition charges were rigged in favour of incumbent President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad.
It is too early to say whether the authorities will pay heed to Khatami's call for a referendum, but it constitutes a significant challenge to the iran's supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who endorsed last month's election results as “definitive and absolute”. Amidst speculations about the impact of this appeal, one must bear in mind that referendums are not an essentially new phenomenon in the history of the Iran: on April 1, 1979, its people voted by national referendum overwhelmingly in favour of forming an Islamic republic with a new constitution reflecting Khomeini's ideals of Islamic government. This idea is crucial to understanding why Khatami speaks out now.
The unity of clerical elite has been severely tarnished by the episodes following the presidential elections. The crisis within institution of the clergy is clear, by admission of the supreme leader and by reformist ex-president Rafsanjani, current chairman of the Assembly of Experts and the Expediency Council. Further, several clerics have in past weeks openly criticised Khameini; Ayatollah Montazeri, a senior grand ayatollah, recently issued a fatwa stating indirectly that the new presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's rule is illegitimate.
The referendum would provide a means to breach the gulf between the regime and the people resulting from the authorities' brutality in dealing with Iranian opposition forces and post-election demonstrations. The referendum could restore trust and legitimacy to the Iranian regime and, were it to take place, should be viewed as a step towards reconciliation and change from within the system; no calls for “engheleb” - revolution - have been made by senior members of the opposition.
Finally, concern over Iran's appeal as a model of Islamic governance motivates calls for a referendum. The idea of the Islam Republic of Iran is now over; any real claims to being a “republic” have been entirely lost, and instead of defending the principles of Ayatollah Khomeini's “rule of the jurisprudent”, the Iranian regime has succumbed to political infighting, brutality and repression. Further, the country will continue to suffer under political and economic sanctions until some semblance of legitimacy is restored. A referendum might salvage Iran's image, not merely in the eyes of millions of Iranians, but abroad, too.
So what is next for the Islamic Republic? Could Khatami's call for a referendum be the emergency exit the clerical elite needs in order to restore stability and legitimacy to the Iranian regime? Innumerable possible scenarios might arise as a consequence, all of which would aggravate tensions before resolving them.
Will the authorities endorse Khatami's call for a referendum? Unlikely.
As time has passed, more people have questioned the legitimacy of the elections than have endorsed the results. However, the influence of the Revolutionary Guards far eclipses that of the clerics or the citizenry. Consequently, so long as the regime continues to enjoy the support of both Revolutionary Guards and clerics, Khatami's call for a referendum is unlikely to ruffle the regime.
The writer, expert in Middle East politics and Iran at the Centre for Strategic Studies, University of Jordan, was a research fellow and director of the Centre for Iranian Studies at the Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, Durham University. He contributed this article to The Jordan Times.
By Mahjoob Zweiri
Mohammad Khatami, the reformist former president of Iran, on Sunday called for a referendum on the legitimacy of the Iranian government in the wake of the disputed June 12 presidential elections. Clearly aligning himself with the opposition movement, Khatami stated that the Iranians have “lost their faith” in the ruling political system following these elections, which the opposition charges were rigged in favour of incumbent President Mahmoud Ahmedinejad.
It is too early to say whether the authorities will pay heed to Khatami's call for a referendum, but it constitutes a significant challenge to the iran's supreme leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who endorsed last month's election results as “definitive and absolute”. Amidst speculations about the impact of this appeal, one must bear in mind that referendums are not an essentially new phenomenon in the history of the Iran: on April 1, 1979, its people voted by national referendum overwhelmingly in favour of forming an Islamic republic with a new constitution reflecting Khomeini's ideals of Islamic government. This idea is crucial to understanding why Khatami speaks out now.
The unity of clerical elite has been severely tarnished by the episodes following the presidential elections. The crisis within institution of the clergy is clear, by admission of the supreme leader and by reformist ex-president Rafsanjani, current chairman of the Assembly of Experts and the Expediency Council. Further, several clerics have in past weeks openly criticised Khameini; Ayatollah Montazeri, a senior grand ayatollah, recently issued a fatwa stating indirectly that the new presidency of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's rule is illegitimate.
The referendum would provide a means to breach the gulf between the regime and the people resulting from the authorities' brutality in dealing with Iranian opposition forces and post-election demonstrations. The referendum could restore trust and legitimacy to the Iranian regime and, were it to take place, should be viewed as a step towards reconciliation and change from within the system; no calls for “engheleb” - revolution - have been made by senior members of the opposition.
Finally, concern over Iran's appeal as a model of Islamic governance motivates calls for a referendum. The idea of the Islam Republic of Iran is now over; any real claims to being a “republic” have been entirely lost, and instead of defending the principles of Ayatollah Khomeini's “rule of the jurisprudent”, the Iranian regime has succumbed to political infighting, brutality and repression. Further, the country will continue to suffer under political and economic sanctions until some semblance of legitimacy is restored. A referendum might salvage Iran's image, not merely in the eyes of millions of Iranians, but abroad, too.
So what is next for the Islamic Republic? Could Khatami's call for a referendum be the emergency exit the clerical elite needs in order to restore stability and legitimacy to the Iranian regime? Innumerable possible scenarios might arise as a consequence, all of which would aggravate tensions before resolving them.
Will the authorities endorse Khatami's call for a referendum? Unlikely.
As time has passed, more people have questioned the legitimacy of the elections than have endorsed the results. However, the influence of the Revolutionary Guards far eclipses that of the clerics or the citizenry. Consequently, so long as the regime continues to enjoy the support of both Revolutionary Guards and clerics, Khatami's call for a referendum is unlikely to ruffle the regime.
The writer, expert in Middle East politics and Iran at the Centre for Strategic Studies, University of Jordan, was a research fellow and director of the Centre for Iranian Studies at the Institute for Middle Eastern and Islamic Studies, Durham University. He contributed this article to The Jordan Times.
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