Jordanian-Palestinian columnist Rami Khouri recently concluded an article of his by writing that Jordan’s political model worked. Doubtless it does, but we should add that the cost has been high: Stability, like that existing in the kingdom, can also be a dangerous euphemism for the worst mix of stagnation, passivity, and frustration.
A poll released by the Jordan Center for Strategic Studies (JCSS), following the recent dissolution of Parliament and formation of a new government, revealed how little political reform matters to Jordanians. Even among opinion leaders, economic reform trumped political reform in the list of priorities. While Jordanians recognize the need for reform, liberal democrats still face an uphill battle in persuading them of the centrality of the democratic deficit and of how economic grievances are byproducts of the deficient political system. Jordanians find it difficult to relate to democracy, beyond its theoretical principles, largely because successive governments have not kept up with development needs.
A new election law is a precondition for political reform and a fairer system of political contestation. However, more has to be done to encourage people to question, assemble, debate and engage freely to influence policies affecting their lives, ending the situation where individuals find themselves at the whim of those in authority. Ensuring civil liberties, a national civic education program, and much-needed educational reform would mean more autonomy and creativity in thought and action, helping establish a more varied marketplace of ideas, contested freely. This would not only bring the need for political reform to the fore; it would also cultivate leadership and innovation in all spheres.
Recent talk of a new election law, therefore, put the wagon before the wheel. Jordanians must be able to freely dissect the proposals tabled by the government or its proxies to make such a law transformative, not cosmetic. This requires an impetus, alas still lacking, for critical evaluation of the law and the freedoms needed to protect it.
The JCSS poll also found the same level of public support for the recently-formed government as that acknowledged for previous ones. The results were not surprising: Jordanians suffer from political fatigue. That support was more an expression of a habitual, tired optimism rather than of informed opinion. A sense of fatalism places Jordanians at the receiving end of national decisions. Years lapse between one government and the next, against a backdrop of an impotent Parliament. This effectively delegitimizes representative institutions in the eyes of the people.
How and why have we reached a situation where citizens rejoice at the dissolution of Parliament and the postponement of elections? Political parties, and a small pocket of civil society groups with a discourse directed mainly at themselves, stand idly by, symbols of an unyielding status quo.
The complacency of Jordanian media partly explains this situation, with stories seldom providing nuanced analysis of local affairs. Coverage characterized by intoxicating blandness continuously fails to move beyond the official line. Media must help educate citizens, foment dialogue, and broach taboo subjects without the fear of losing support for a sense of community cohesion that, otherwise, discourages criticism and dissent.
However, training of journalists cannot solve the problem of self-censorship. Imagined or real red lines stand between journalists and accurate reporting. Beyond Al-Sijil, a weekly magazine that has broken the mold in its coverage and analysis, and a few opinion writers who attempt to push the envelope on certain issues, local media too often speak in coded language. When describing the implications of an particular event, analyses or opinion pieces rarely mention names, while stories are built around insinuations and puns, as if the subject matter can only be grasped by a select few keyed-in to the political reality.
As a Jordanian I wonder for example why local media did not cover the buildup for the recent Cabinet change, the legacy of the old government, its failed policies or successful ones. I also wonder why Parliament was dissolved, and what parliamentarians actually thought of this. Beyond the short CVs offered in media outlets, and the absence of anything close to confirmation hearings, Jordanians are entitled to more information on their ministers and their qualifications. Waiting for foreign media to comment on domestic matters only keeps a small circle informed, while most Jordanians languish in a state of tired anticipation, hoping for the best without the knowledge needed to judge the likelihood of that hope.
For Thomas Jefferson, an “ignorant democracy” is a contradiction in terms. He once wrote that “if a nation expects to be ignorant and free, in a state of civilization, it expects what never was and what never will be.” Civil liberties allow media to play their natural role. Education reform heightens political literacy and generates intellectual ferment bolstering a vibrant democracy. Without these prerequisites weaved into any reform initiative, the efforts of Jordan’s new government will have little substance and doubts will remain high about prospects for real change.
Dima M. Toukan is a Jordan-based consultant. She wrote this commentary for THE DAILY STAR.
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