Why Iceland Is Bloody-Minded

Why Iceland Is Bloody-Minded

Iceland’s threat to default on its debt to Britain should surprise no one. Icelanders are, by nature, intrinsically unreasonable. It is part of their charm and the secret of their survival. If the founders of that unique nation — Norwegians, escaping from medieval tyranny, with their Irish and Scottish slaves and women they kidnapped during their flight — had made a rational appraisal of their prospects, they would not have settled on a giant lump of lava in the cold ocean just south of the Arctic Circle.

The national genetic records are precise. The men and women who want to repudiate the obligation to repay the loan are directly descended from the heroes of the sagas. When those marauding old Norsemen found that they had mistaken Venice for Constantinople, they sacked it anyway because sacking was their business. Their progeny are not going to feel many qualms about keeping £3.6 billion of somebody else’s money.

I came into head-on collision with Iceland’s national characteristic when I was Officer Commanding Her Majesty’s Forces in the last Cod War of 1975-76. Of course we lost. True, the Icelanders had unilaterally decided to claim national jurisdiction over international waters. But it was not their habit, when their national interests were threatened, to concern themselves with legal niceties. Icelandic gunboats just sailed between British trawlers and their nets, cutting the “warps” that connected them.

I should have realised, as soon as I arrived for the initial talks in Reykjavik, that Britain battled against overwhelming psychological odds. My explicit instruction from the Prime Minister was to return home if the attacks continued while I was in Iceland. Our Ambassador greeted me at the airport with the news that a warp had been cut at exactly the moment when my aircraft touched down. Our party — diplomats, Ministry of Agriculture civil servants and representatives of the industry — enjoyed a fascinating hour discussing whether or not the outrage had actually been committed “during” our visit. The Icelanders were — and probably still are — the most educated people in the world. But they would not have responded to similar provocation with protracted exegesis of the word “during”.

We decided to stay, and that sign of weakness guaranteed that the first talks ended in deadlock. So did subsequent negotiations held in London — though the failure may have been, in part, the result of Government Hospitality’s decision to feed the Icelandic foreign minister on what was clearly frozen scampi. Then the Icelanders, with their unerring instinct for causing me inconvenience, demanded an immediate resumption of the discussions when I was in Los Angeles. At the end of a difficult journey, I welcomed a day of rest and recreation spent visiting the historic sights of Reykjavik.

The first stop was the world’s oldest parliament — pinnacles of rock around a natural amphitheatre on which law-givers had first sat in AD930. Next to it was what my guide called “the punishment pool”. It was, he explained, used for drowning adulterous women. “Same period?” I asked. “Last one 1912,” he told me.

I have no doubt that he invented the whole story to unnerve me. It had the desired effect. I offered some minor concessions. The Icelanders made new major demands. Deadlock again. Henry Kissinger sent me a quotation from Bismarck. “How great is the tyranny to which small nations can subject the great.” It was no consolation.

On the day after the negotiations broke down, the domestic staff did not report for duty at the embassy residence. It was the only time in my life that an ambassador brought me early morning tea in bed. It was accompanied by the news that, for some unknown reason, there was no hot water and that the Icelandic authorities advised that we left the island at once. The pilot of our small private plane was worried about the weather, but he was persuaded — by confidential talks with the police — to take the risk.

After our bumpy, stomach-churning take-off, he came into the cabin to pay his respects. I recognised him at once. Had we not, I asked, played football together at university? He remembered our last game well. I had broken his nose, even though we were playing on the same side. It was the thought of the contempt that my clumsy incompetence would have raised in the Icelanders, not the turbulence, that made me feel unwell. In fact, instead of merely despising me, they made me a hate figure, Public Enemy No 1.

Reykjavik’s innumerable newspapers denounced me as the oppressor of small nations. If any of them still remember me, they will still not believe that I feel ( perhaps perverse) admiration for their concentrated bloody-mindedness. There are Viking tombstones in the Great Wall of China. Reasonable men would not have sailed open boats to the other side of the world.

I liked Iceland enough to return twenty years after the Battles of Reykjavik were fought and lost. The obsession with national identity endures. My host reminded me that Icelandic horses are different from other horses. They have five different gaits while ordinary horses have only four. He also pointed out some sheltered rock crevices in which a group of deviant Icelanders had tried to plant trees. Their efforts had been almost universally condemned. Trees are not indigenous to Iceland. Importing them was a denial of the country’s status, embodied in the title of Halldór Laxness’s great novel — Independent People.

The purpose of my (newspaper- financed) visit was an investigation of the genetic research centre where, a blood sample having been tested, the secrets of my DNA would be revealed.

“You have,” the director told me, “the cancer gene, the thrombosis gene and the Alzheimer gene.”

Looking for a silver lining, I added: “And the obesity gene?” Had not my mother told me “It’s the way you’re made”?

The director did not hesitate. “No. You are fat because you choose to be fat.”

Another admirable Icelandic characteristic is a reluctance to mince words.

Lord Hattersley was a Foreign Office minister, 1974-76, and deputy leader of the Labour Party, 1983-92

 

 

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