If the US midterm elections have taught the Europeans a lesson, it is this: The ascent of Donald Trump and his followers is no accident.
It's obvious now that Mr Trump's base is so significant that he is likely to be re-elected in two years. Europe should therefore brace itself for at least two things: Six more years of a Trump presidency, and a lasting downsizing of the transatlantic relationship and a new role for the Europeans in the world.
It is clear that waiting things out is no longer an option. After the Nato summit in July, for instance, contingency plans were widespread. One fallback position was: No more summits as long as Mr Trump is in power. Another was: Let's move things to an operational level between member nations and leave high-level Trump representatives as much as possible out of the picture.
This strategy might have worked as a blueprint to survive four years of the Trump administration - but it is definitely not suited to outlive eight years of Mr Trump. The same is true when it comes to climate change, global trade or security.
Mr Trump's agenda is so different to the one pursued in France, Germany or Britain that Europe has to take its fate into its own hands.
This is not necessarily bad news: Notoriously slow when it has to adapt to new circumstances, Europe can neither hide behind the United States now nor turn a blind eye to the changing global political landscape.
When commemorating the end of World War I on Sunday, Nov. 11, French President Emmanuel Macron made clear what that means.
"Patriotism is the exact opposite of nationalism: Nationalism is a betrayal of patriotism," he stated bluntly.
"In saying 'our interests first, whatever happens to the others,' you erase the most precious thing a nation can have, that which makes it lives, that which causes it to be great and that which is most important: its moral values."
If Mr Macron's words - clearly aimed at Mr Trump - are to be taken seriously, then Europe has to substantially reverse course. Preserving its moral values means many things: It has to establish itself as a liberal trading bloc playing by rules not dictated by the US, it has to vigorously fight against the forces of nationalism, xenophobia and racism, and it has to re-invent itself as a military power in its own right.
That is - to put it mildly - a tall order.
With Brexit imminent and populists in Italy, Poland, Hungary and other countries on the rise, this would require a herculean effort on the part of just two European leaders - Mr Macron himself and Dr Angela Merkel, the German Chancellor.
For the often reluctant Dr Merkel, this could be her opportunity to go down in history as the saviour of Europe. Unburdened from the need to get re-elected and rid of the task of leading her ruling party at home, she could focus more than ever on the problems in Europe. One of the most pressing issues is reform of the voting system within the European Union in which a unanimous vote of all 28 member states is often required to make key decisions. This regulation - dating back to a time when the EU was much smaller - is in effect handing the power of veto to any member, no matter if it is tiny Malta or heavyweights such as France and Germany.
Introduced to safeguard the interests of small member states, the rule is now hindering efforts to move forward in critical and controversial areas.
To achieve what Mr Macron said in Paris, the EU has to be endowed with a much better ability to act - and to adopt decisions that not all of its members may welcome. Reforming the inner workings of the EU is one of the pre-requisites.
Dr Merkel and Mr Macron should be fully aware that the window of opportunity to pull off major changes is closing sooner rather than later.
Although the German leader's tenure is set to last until 2021, no one in Berlin is ready to bet on the future of her fragile ruling coalition, between the conservatives and social democrats. Mr Macron and his La Republique en Marche movement does not rule in a coalition but the once stratospheric ratings of the French leader have become quite volatile.
Bringing the EU up to speed requires a whole lot of political capital. It's not clear if the two leaders have enough to do so.
