Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, a new order emerged. Democracy had defeated authoritarianism, and the world shifted its focus away from the Eurasian region. Fifteen new countries were formed, and the West believed these states would abandon their Soviet past. There was also an assumption that these newly independent countries would adopt democracy, incorporate capitalist philosophies, and integrate with Western ideologies.
What transpired, however, has much different. While Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania quickly adopted rigorous reform efforts, paving the way toward membership with the European Union and NATO in 2004, the remaining 12 former Soviet states have struggled to adapt. In fact, many military conflicts and democratic crises have emerged in these countries over the past few years.
Take, for example, Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. For more than three years, the Russian Federation’s military incursion has continued without an apparent end. Tens of thousands of Ukrainians have been killed by Russia’s aggression. Numerous cities and villages have been destroyed, and one-fourth of Ukraine’s population remains displaced.
Despite this devastation and destruction, Ukraine continues its fight for freedom. For several years, the Ukrainians have worked hard to reform their government, and they have adopted Western values and traditions as they seek to become part of Western institutions and organizations. These reform efforts have resulted in Ukraine being granted EU candidate status in June 2022 and being named a NATO Enhanced Opportunities Partner in June 2020.
But as Ukraine continues its fight for democracy and prosperity, Russia has adopted a different path. Since its independence in 1991, and the emergence of Russian President Vladimir Putin, Russia has cracked down on political freedoms and movements within the country. The Russian government has also pursued authoritarian practices. In other words, the political climate in Ukraine and Russia could not be any different.
Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine has also been labeled as a fight between good and evil, a war between democracy and authoritarianism. For the most part, the international community has come to aid Ukraine. When the war began, the international community imposed stiff sanctions to try to force the Russian Federation to end its war in Ukraine. Since then, dozens of countries around the world have imposed additional penalties on Russia for continuing the war. But time and time again, Russia has dismissed calls to end its invasion. Given this Russian reluctance, no one knows when or how the ongoing war will end.
But as the globe remains focused on the Russo-Ukraine war, several other crises and issues exist in the region. Take, for example, Belarus. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, Belarus has struggled to abandon its Soviet past. When Belarus held its first democratic presidential election in 1994, politician Alyaksandr Lukashenka won. After his victory, the first president of Belarus implemented a rule that would allow the leader of Belarus the authority to dissolve the Belarusian parliament. He also created policies that saw Belarus pursue greater economic integration with Russia. As time progressed, Lukashenka continued his crackdown on Belarusian society, where he eliminated numerous political parties, and he wrongly imprisoned political opponents. Imposing these restrictions saw him further consolidate his power, which has slid Belarus into a dictatorship, where Lukashenka won every presidential election since 1994. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and several other international observers have repeatedly said that the presidential elections in Belarus have been nothing more than a sham, yet Lukashenka remains in power.
Beyond these democratic crackdowns, Lukashenka has willingly given much of his country’s sovereignty to Russia. He has taken billions of dollars in loans from Russia, which has indebted his country to the Russian Federation. Furthermore, Belarus has relied heavily on Russia’s energy market. For a time, Russia even maintained a military presence in Belarus. Finally, due to economic sanctions imposed on Belarus by the international community for authoritarian practices, Belarus has been forced to rely heavily on Russian trade, as the Belarusian government has opted not to reform itself. These economic and energy ties have forced Belarus to become dependent on the Russian Federation, and this overreliance has led some experts to claim that Belarus is slowly being morphed into a union state with Russia. Some even believe Belarus may one day become a region of Russia if this authoritarian trend continues.
Unfortunately, democratic and political issues within the Eurasian region do not end there. Like Belarus, Georgia is facing its own crisis. When the Soviet Union collapsed, the newly established Georgian government worked quickly and efficiently to reform its institutions. Georgia pursued economic reforms to improve its financial institutions, and it strengthened its rule of law. In addition, Georgian national identity and culture flourished. The international community noticed these reforms, leading to the EU granting Georgian citizens visa-free travel to the EU. In addition, Transparency International, a nonprofit and nongovernmental organization that works to combat global corruption, noted that Georgia had made significant progress in its anti-corruption work.
But in recent years, Georgia has stopped these reform efforts. The current ruling parliament in Georgia, known as Georgia Dream, has quickly restricted civil liberties. Surveillance has increased across the country, and the government has dismissed hundreds of civil servants in an attempt to fill government positions with party loyalists. Furthermore, several nonprofit organizations and independent media outlets in Georgia have faced pressure from Georgian Dream. Finally, in defiance of the Georgian opposition and citizens, Georgian Dream has slowly distanced itself from its EU integration efforts, where it instead has favored closer ties to Russia. This is an odd decision as Russia continues to illegally occupy 20% of Georgian territory, something it has done since the Russian invasion of Georgia in 2008.
In short, there is a political battle in Georgia. Some wish to secure a prosperous socio-economic future by modernizing political institutions and adopting Western traditions and values. Meanwhile, others have a nostalgia for the Soviet past and favor relations with Russia. It is unclear how the ongoing political battle in Georgia will unfold.
Elsewhere in the Caucasus, Armenia and Azerbaijan have been fighting an on-and-off war for four decades. To date, they have yet to resolve their differences. Since the 1980s, the two countries have had a series of skirmishes over the Nagorno-Karabakh region. Both countries claim historic ties to the area, and this has resulted in constant fighting between Armenian and Azerbaijani forces. The conflict has resulted in the deaths of thousands, and several ceasefires have been violated over this four-decade period. The Russian Federation and Turkey have attempted to broker agreements between Armenia and Azerbaijan, and for a time, Russia even maintained a presence in the region. These negotiation attempts, however, did not succeed.
Most recently, Azerbaijan launched an unprovoked attack on ethnic Armenians in Nagorno-Karabakh in September 2023. Hundreds of thousands of Armenians fled the region, fearing for their safety. The Armenian government has struggled to help these refugees assimilate, and this has brought financial pressure on the Armenian government. Meanwhile, Azerbaijani officials have pushed their neighbor to make concessions as it looks to incorporate Nagorno-Karabakh into the Azerbaijani state.
In other words, both countries have suffered greatly from this conflict. In addition, negotiations between Armenia and Azerbaijan have not produced significant results. It is unclear if and when these two countries will resolve their differences.
Beyond Russia’s current or previous military presence in Ukraine, Belarus, Georgia, and the Nagorno-Karabakh region, the Russian Federation has also been present in Moldova. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Russian-speaking population in the Moldovan region of Transnistria declared its independence from the Moldovan state. This led to friction between the Moldovan government and the people of Transnistria. Eventually, a skirmish broke out between pro-Transnistria forces, which were backed by the Russian Federation, and the Moldovan government in 1992. Approximately one thousand individuals were killed, and many more were wounded. Since then, Russia has maintained a military presence in Transnistria, much to the dismay of the Moldovan government and the international community.
Despite this Russian presence, Moldova has pressed forward on its goal of integrating with the European Union. For example, Moldova has boosted economic competitiveness, implemented reforms proposed by European institutions, enforced judicial reforms, and strengthened institutions. These efforts paved the way for Moldova to be granted EU candidate status in June 2022. Since then, Moldovan officials have regularly met with their European counterparts as the country continues its path to reform so that it may one day be a full EU member.
Finally, to Europe’s east, Central Asia finds itself in a predicament. As neighboring countries within the region fight between democratic values and authoritarian rule, the five Central Asian countries struggled with their relationships with the Western world and the Sino-Russo axis. Since their independence in 1991, the countries of Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan have relied heavily on China and Russia. For example, China and Russia are Central Asia’s largest trading partners. In addition, the Central Asian states have formed a significant energy relationship with the two countries. Given the large economic transactions with China and Russia, it is no wonder that Central Asian states rely on their geographic neighbors.
But the shifting political climate in the world has changed Central Asia’s approach. Following Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine, and fearing an overreliance on China, the Central Asian countries have actively worked to build stronger relationships with the United States, the United Kingdom, and the European Union. During these meetings, delegations from Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan have spoken with their American, British, and European counterparts about the significance of democratic reform, increased trade relations, and national security efforts. This, in turn, may lead to a new and improved Central Asian landscape, something that was unforeseen prior to 2022.
Overall, Eurasia is a complicated and complex region. When the Soviet Union collapsed in 1991, many assumed that transitions to democratic and capitalist societies in the newly independent states would be axiomatic. But this was not the case. Given the current and ongoing crises these countries face, the millions of citizens in this region need help. Many countries in the Eurasia region are still misunderstood.
There are many highly educated, well-qualified, and hard-working individuals from the countries in this region, and they have much to offer to the international community. In addition, countries within Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, and Central Asia are rich with agricultural products and natural resources. As a result, it is essential for the international community to help these countries overcome their struggles. In return, the world would benefit from increased economic and cultural engagements with the people from this region. This would see international economies flourish.
In short, current events in 2025 show that the world is facing numerous conflicts around the world. The globe is also facing a deconstruction of institutions and fundamental principles in international relations. At this time of uncertainty, it is important to contribute, however modest, to the functioning of democratic thought and behavior internationally, particularly as they relate to the Eurasian region. It will not be easy, but the voices of citizens in these countries need to be heard. Every contribution, no matter how big or small, will help make a difference.
Mark Temnycky is a nonresident fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Eurasia Center and a freelance journalist covering Eurasian affairs.
